Kosovos frihet bra för alla parter
Kosovos frihet bra för alla parter
Av Ndue Ukaj
För ungefär tio år sedan började jag studera vid Prishtinas Universitet. Det var förbjudet för oss, albanska studenter, att studera på vårt modersmål och därför hade vi inte möjligt att studera i universitetslokaler, eftersom de var tillgängliga bara för serbiska studenter och hade ockuperats av den serbiska regimen. Flera generationer var istället tvungna att studera i improviserade lokaler som egentligen var några källare. Det var hemskt. Verkligen hemskt. Just nu kan jag inte förstå hur vi kunde klara av situationen.
Men det här är bara en sida av historien för den andra sidan var mycket tragisk. Vi kunde inte heller hålla föreläsning i källaren i vår "frihet" för att den serbiska polisen blockerade ofta våra föreläsningar. Under några år visste jag inte ens hur man upplever frihet, eftersom jag kunde hitta frihet bara i poesi och i litteraturen. Jag och mina vänner som studerade litteraturvetenskap vågade inte berätta för polisen (när de stoppade oss på gatorna) att vi var studenter och definitivt inte att vi studerade litteratur och albanskt språk. För om vi hade berättat det hade de slagit oss. Det var förbjudet för oss att läsa väst-litteratur, egentligen var allting förbjudet för oss. Många unga upplevde liknade händelser flera gånger. Jag berättade den här upplevelsen för att förklara bara en liten sida, för det som den serbiska regimen gjorde under många år mot det albanska folket i Kosova.
Tio år efter kriget är Kosova på väg att avsluta den långa processen att blir ett självständigt land. Och i den processen som pågår just nu finns det ett fåtal länder i EU (Cypern, Rumänien), tillsammans med Ryssland som inte vill acceptera Kosova som ett självständig land. Det är fullständigt utopiskt att kunna föreställa sig idag att Kosova kan leva tillsammans med Serbien, ett land som gav oss bara våld. Och fortfarande har de inte förändrat sig. Idag finns det cirka 2.000 människor som den serbiska militären har dödat och ingen har tagit något ansvar för att hitta kropparna som ligger begravda någonstans i Serbien. De har massakrerats och transporterats till Serbien, även barn och gamla människor. Det är förfärligt för deras familjer som fortfarande inte vet var dessa kroppar ligger begravda. Under detta krig har den serbiska regimen dödat cirka 15.000 albaner.
Vår relation med Serbien under nästan hundra år, från den tiden då de inledde ockupation av Kosova har alltid varit med våld och krig. Serbien har försökt att blockera skolan, kulturen, det albanska språket, all utveckling och idag finns det ungefär en miljon albaner som har blivit tvungna på ett eller annat sätt att emigrera.
Jag och min generation som har upplevt den svåra situationen när vi studerade, hade försökt att göra en fredlig motstånd utan krig och våld, alltså icke-våldsprincipen. Vi demonstrerade nästan varje dag under flera månader för mänskliga rättigheter och mot kriget. Det finns många teorier som säger att under tio år (1990-1999), under det systematiska våldet, fick kosovoalbaner sitt inflytande från Moder Teresa som var en albansk nunna och känd i hela världen för fred. Det var ovanligt då i Jugoslavien att skapa en fredlig politik och den linjen ledde kosovoalbanernas ledare Ibrahim Rugova, som var författare. Men ingenting kunde stoppa den serbiska passionen för makt och kontroll över Balkan. Efter den 13 juni 1999 när NATO kom in i Kosova upplevde jag vad frihet, fred, demokrati och perspektiv betyder.
Just nu kämpar Kosova för en framtid utan våld, en framtid integrerad i Europa och Nato och samarbete med alla länder i Balkan, även Serbien. Kosova och det albanska folket är medvetna om den väg som de har valt och oavsett den svåra processen är Kosova beredd för att kämpa.
Nu är det äntligen dags för stabilitet och fred och som hjälp ur det perspektivet, får Kosova och Balkanregionen stöd från EU och från USA. Balkanområdet hade mycket instabilitet tidigare så detta är en väg att kommer fram till en fredlig region. Nu är tiden för positiva förändringar och de förändringarna måste resultera i att Balkan får sin plats integrerad i EU. Förra veckan avslutades de direkta samtalen mellan Kosova och Serbien avslutade utan att något resultat nåddes. Det har konstaterat också av en trojka från USA, EU och Ryssland, som har försökt att få en kompromiss mellan de två parterna. Efter de här utvecklingarna är EU och USA beredda att erkänna Kosovas självständighet. Kosova är sui generis fall i hela världen, det är ett speciellt fall. För att förstå det verkliga situationen i Ballkan, med et stort fokus på Kosova, som idag är en stor fråga i den internationell politiska relationen, måste man kunna ganska mycket om det här problemet i den historiska kontext. Ur denna synvinkel blir det lättare att ha förståelse för det som händer idag i Kosova och Ballkan.
Den historiska dimensionen är den viktigaste för att förstå det som kallas Kosovafrågan, processen som nu närmar sig sitt slut. Alltså det som hänt tidigare och händer nu i Kosova har sin grund i historien, den historia som serbiska Akademin tillsammans med politiska institutionen har manipulerat för nationalistiska intressen som har resulterat i fyra krig. Uppfattningen om den sanna historien är det bästa sättet att eliminera missförståendet och det fördomar som kan påverka i de stora förhandlingarna idag. Området är uppbyggt på en mytologi som har påverkat all utveckling, t.o.m den politiska, och det syndromet lever fortfarande i Serbien.
Det finns faktiskt inte någon anledning att inom EU tveka om Kosovas framtids status. Däremot behöver EU och Sverige bestämma sig så fort som möjligt om en enighet kring Kosova: att acceptera självständighet och hjälpa processen så att det leder till att alla Balkanländer integreras i EU. Det är viktigt för att skapa fred på Balkan och det är det bästa sättet att avsluta en lång period med våld och kris.
Det verkar inte finnas någon chans för fred i Balkan utan att Kosova blir ett självständigt land. Det är inte bara en önskan utan för det albanska folket betyder det över allt annat, egentligen betyder det fred, demokrati, perspektiv, det betyder att leva. Detta faktum vet alla som har tillräckligt information om Kosova, det vet man också i Serbien, landet som har skapat så mycket problem på Balkan under hela 90-talet och som fortfarande vill styra Kosova. Det är en utopisk politik eftersom Kosova sedan 1999 lever utanför Serbien. Serbien bör minska nationalismen och istället söka en rimlig politik för en framtid utan kriser. Genom Kosovas självständighet befrias också Serbien, därför bör Sverige vara en av de första länderna som erkänner självständighet.
Albanian commentary advises Kosovo to avoid Islamic Conference
Albanian commentary advises Kosovo to avoid Islamic Conference
Commentary by Ndue Ukaj
"Kosovo Should Avoid Alignments of Religious Nature" p7]
Last May, when there was a debate about whether Kosova [Kosovo] should take part in the conference of Islamic states in Islamabad, I wrote: "The Islamic states will remain reluctant, irrespective of whether Veton Surroi and Lutfi Haziri decide to take part in the conference in Islamabad. Their participation would only tarnish Kosova's image." Kosova, fortunately enough, was not represented at that Islamic conference, thanks to the vigilance of President Fatmir Sejdiu. Now, one year on, there is no doubt that my observation was correct. But the debate continues. It should be noted that, a month after Kosova's proclamation of independence, there is no indication that any of these states will recognize it. In the final analysis, such recognition would be of no essential value; it would be insignificant in terms of the minimal influence that these states have on international politics. I am convinced that any attempt "to infiltrate" these undemocratic states, most of which are dictatorships, would present a risk to Kosovo's present and, in particular, its future. There are a number of reasons Kosova's participation in this conference is unnecessary. There is not a single reason for Kosova to participate in the meeting in Dakar. Therefore, Kosova's decision to take part in this meeting is immature and not based on any strategic analysis. [Passage omitted]
There are strong reasons Kosova should not take part in such conferences; indeed, it should stay away from them as much as possible, because Kosova's aim to establish a democratic, tolerant society is not helped at all by getting closer to these wholly undemocratic countries. There are many reasons and arguments for this and the heads of Kosova's institutions know them well. Those who are eager for Kosova to take part in this meeting know these reasons and arguments, too. They know that Kosova would stand to lose and that the only benefit would be for them to gain political capital or certain business advantages.
Kosova's participation in this conference and its presence alongside countries most of which are dubious for the civilized world, countries with governments containing many fundamentalist elements, would send a bad signal to our Western friends, without whom the independence process would not have been completed. The process would not have taken place with the help of this organization or even hundreds of such organizations. There is no need to comment on this, because even the most naive and pathetic people know that the Kosova issue has gone and will go through Washington, Brussels, London, Paris, Berlin, and Rome, not through such wholly undemocratic states, in which there is no democracy, freedom, market economy, or wellbeing. Without the support of these centres Kosova would never have been able to gain independence; indeed, it would never have been liberated from the Serbian state. [Passage omitted]
Kosova can and should cultivate relations with every state, even Serbia. However, it should never enter into alliances that damage its image and create internal tensions. Kosova's institutions should not fall into the "Albanian trap," which is still causing difficulties for our mother country over its economic recovery, integration into the Western world, and, above all, ability to attract powerful economic investment from the Western world. [Passage omitted]
Kosova should cultivate and strengthen its partnership with its great Western friends, on whom our economy, present, and future depend. The Islamic states are not only geographically far away, but they are also, politically and culturally, in a world that is alien to democracy. Therefore, they can exert no influence on perceptions about Kosova. The long-suffering and degraded Kosovar society should be brought as close as possible to all the components of the Western world. Otherwise, it will continue to suffer and remain without prospects for a long time. Similarly, there is no need for young Kosovars to seek to emigrate to Islamic countries; they should do so in the direction of the EU and United States. And herein lies the responsibility of the current political class.
Source: 55Pesedhjetepese, Tirana, in Albanian 14 Mar 08
BBC Mon EU1 EuroPol bk
Copyright (C)
Mona Liza râdea fiindcă plesnea de dragoste (Rumanisht)
Mona Liza râdea fiindcă plesnea de dragoste
ÎNCĂIERARE
(Përleshje)
Uneori strâng cu dinţii,
Strâng atât de tare încât limba mi se-ncăieră cu dinţii,
Îmi rămâne limba în dinţi uneori,
Un ac îmi trebuie să leg limba,
Îngerul meu
Nu că aş vrea
Uneori mă mir cum muşc visele,
Mă-ncăier cu ele pănă la însângerare
Le muşc şi mă-ncăier cu realitatea,
Prin nopţi cu vise tomnatice în primăvara cu surâs de iubire
Prezumţia pentru triumf ucide tristeţea
Muşc zilele, şi nopţile le muşc,
Negre ca horn, nopţile,
Tot mă-nsângerez uneori,
Cu dinţii mei grei, cât de grei
Cât stâncile Munţilor Blestemaţi,
Uneori lumea e prinsă de somnul amiezii,
amorţită turmentată lumea toată,
Uită de căderea în genunchi
Iar eu, uneori singuratic mă-ncăier cu lumea
Şi mă pierd în nuditatea poeziei
JUDECATA PENTRU POEZIA MEA
(Gjyqi për vjershën time)
Cetatea dreptăţii nu se poate prăbuşi cu o suflare din abisul gurii
Şi dacă Jozef K a murit ca un câine pe străzile din Paris sau Praga
Procesul nu s-a închis şi el a rămas process
Vinerea mare nu se poate împăca fără duminica cea mare.
Ce vină are poezia care atacă
Imunitatea nu-i pot lua nici când se dezbracă
Iarba mea nepieptănată nicicând, crescută prin focurile arzătoare
Acoperită cu păianjeni purulenţi
Şi dacă vrei nu o săruta niciodată
Şi crede-mă, această poezie fierbe pentru iubire
A rămas goală fiindcă i s-a dăruit aceast har
Dacă vrei ucideo, în mormânt poţi s-o pui
Ce vină are poezia care atât de tare atacă
Barbar, dacă doreşti ucideo
Va naşte monştri, ca ochii să ţii otrăvească
Pisicile nebune aleargă triste pe piept
Dacă vrei ucideo, poezia niciodată nu moare
Şi în mormânt trezeşte sufletul
AM VRUT SĂ-ŢI SPUN
(Kam dashtë me të thanë)
Soarele nu se prinde în palme.
Nu-l atinge: ca degetele să nu se topească
Şi carnea să cade pe pământ
Pisicile nebune s-o mânânce,
Am vrut să spun, şi să scriu am vrut,
Cu dor mare
Şi apoi în vers s-o bat în cui, ce mult am vrut
Pe dimineţile cu brumă de soare
Şi prin nopţile cu bubuit de toamnă,
Poezia nu moare,
Nici cu arme,
Nici cu cele atomice şi kamikaze nebune
Mai mult decât aer, respiraţie şi viaţă
Am vrut să-ţi spun, niciodată nu uita
Crează regatul iubirii seară şi dimineaţă,
Să mergi pănă la Kopenhaga,
Să te întâlneşti cu Hamlet
Nu este soluţia dilemelor să fii sau să nu fii
Între cerul albastru şi pământul negru
Suspiciunea şarpe otrăvitor aşteaptă
Undeva plesneşte cerul, undeva plesneşte cuvântul,
Oh ce rău miroase
Undeva se trăieşte în cuvinte, undeva se ucide pentru cuvinte
Şi în înaltul cerului crapă poezia
Toate drumurile au câte un scop,
Câte un nume, câte puţină istorie
Deşi niciuna nu i se apropie Prometeului
Obosite, sugrumate, nedeclanşate, declanşate,
Oricum în mijlocul drumurilor impedimentele sunt uşoare,
Dacă ai câteva hărtii stricate pentru a croşeta poezie
Între palatele regale şi crucile antice
Picturile nenumărate, care stau ca cer peste cap le vei găsi,
Te vei îmbăta cu ele - te vei pierde
În Roma de mers, nicidecum nu uita
Să te-nchini în faţa Mona Lisei şi s-o priveşti adânc în ochi,
Nu o iubi nicidecum, ai grijă să nu te-ndrăgosteşti
Apoi ori încontro să te duci,
Katedrala lui Hygo s-o cinsteşti,
Să continui calea până la Londra,
Te aşteaptă magiile nesecate ale lui Shakespeare Divin,
Oricum să te duci pănă la Shkodra
Şi să săruţi Maica Domnului din Shkodrei cu picioarele însângerate,
Să-nveţi misterul lumii, pe care-l ştie doar ea
Apoi să afli despre At Fishta,
Cum plesneşte cu metaforele lui în veşnicie
Şi să aduni osele prin fluvii furtunoae
CREAŢIA
(Krijimi)
Dumnezeu, şase zile a creat neîncetat,
A şaptelea zi a stat
Si pe poeţii i-a băgat în Grădina Tainei
I-a învăţat obiceiul le-a determinat misiunea,
Numai un lucru a rămas secret,
Şarpele!
În care zi a creării s-a târât mai întâi pe Pământ?
POEZIA
(Poezia)
Când ţi se umple sufletul cu venin
Când ţi se ruinează creierul
Când ţi se usucă sentimentele, visele când ţi se fură
Când ţi se ucide gândul tocmai în frunte
Când n-ai cu cine deschide gura
Să ciocneşti un pahar de wiski
Să storci coaiele pline de spermă
Poezia este terapie
Nu ţipa
Nu vărsa lacrimi
Nu scrie elegii şi balade sugrumate
Versurile de melancolie îndepărtează-le
Nu înjosi ţinta, priveşte poezia în frunte
Hrăneşte-te când îţi lipseşte pâinea
Sarea iubirea şi scrisul
Nu văita singurătatea
Şi când te dispreţuiesc
Când te înjură şi te ţintuiesc pe cruce
Te declară nebun anatemizat
Dragostea ţi-o violează
Poezia este salvare
Ţipăt dulce de bucurie
ŞASE LITERE
(Gjashtë shkronja)
"Fiecare din noi, ca o picătură de apă trebuie să dea contribuţia sa în bunătate, prietenie şi pace. Numai atunci vom crea aceanul fericirii"
(Maica Tereza)
Şase litere sunt bilanţul celor şase zile ale creării pe pământ
cea de a şaptea zi Grădina Edenului era pat setos pentru iubire
Eva n-a pierdut timp să se dezbrace!
*
Cu şapte litere se umple fluviile, ce minunat se umplu
În direcţii inverse merge lumea, cu şase litere se poate uni lumea
Cu şase litere se pot ridica dealuri care ating cerul
Ce minunat,
Numai cu şase litere poţi armoniza milioane de versuri,
să cânţi ne-ncetat, ca pasăre primăvarătică în cele patru colţuri ale lumii să-împrăştii cântecul
Cu şase litere poţi merge pe norii cerului şi în întunericul adânc al pământului,
Cu şase litere poţi aduna lumea într-o palma de mână:
Iubire
SEMN DE ÎNTREBARE
(Pikëpyetje)
Depărtarea se pictează în vers,
Cu nuanţe de culori care se amestecă între ele pe geam
Sparte ca soarele în apus
Cuvântul arde ca în foc
Focul piere în cuvânt
Şi pierd împreună cuvintele
Împreună cu versurile ard
Cu fărămiturile cerului
Ce mă muşcă
Cu lacrimi arse
Cu izvor de lacrimi
Ud versurile
Şoptesc oftez
Cu dor
Cultiv rimele, ritmurile
Împreună cu semnele de întrebare, oţelite,
Ce apasă azi, mâine...totdeaună.
Şi azi:
Rupere de versuri
Spargeri de motive
Se suie nevrând spre versul meu
Nu în numele sfinţeniei
Nici a nebuniei
Numeroase priviri pierdute, palide, şi zăpăcite
Se suie precum păianjeni pe versul meu obosit
Nu doar atât
Iubire, te au încâtuşat fără milă
Cântecele curvelor-ţi exprimă durerea
Oo suflete, pentru timpuri mucegăite
Pe capete grase
Iar tu continuu să crezi orice
Şi nu înţelegi versul şi se rup
În tăcere te lasă
Cu bucata tăiată în gât
Scrinuri pline de păianjeni,
Pe cetăţile stinse ale vechilor canoane
Dumnezeule,
sufletul meu în iubire crede
Dacă viaţa se hrăneşte cu metafore
şi se hrăneşte cu viermii urii
sau se hrăneşte cu artă şi iubire crede
Cu metafoarele ucigaşe
Cu suspinele otrăvitoare
Cu părul care nu mai găseşte foarfecele
Nu se clatină din loc pereţii tăcerii, pereţii neîntrecerii
Eu continu mă rog Celui de Sus,
Învaţă-mă să iubesc sfinţenia, nicicând diavolescul
COMPROMIS DUREROS CU METAFORELE
(Kompromis i dhembshëm me metaforat)
Cuvântul respiră a viaţă
Mesaj dă
Şi atunci când nu spune nimic
Pentru această nu te uimi
Uită de poezie
Orice literă vădită cu sânge
Uită de mormintele în subiectul ei
Crede în povara vieţii
În cuvântul ucis pe limbă
Crede în metafore şi alegorie
În cuvântul închegat ce fierbe în sân
În compromisele autosacrificării
Prin cabinete de suspine pasionale
Creşte se scurtează de sute de ori barba mea
Împreună cu limba care cuvintele le ţine
Tăcute în suflet
şarpele aşteaptă cu gura deschisă
Am tăcut
Până când tăcerea s-a transformat în zgomot
Din nou
Am tăcut
Nu fiindcă am tăcut ci fiindcă tăcerea s-a transformat în revoltă
Şi din nou ca dinadins
Am tăcut
Până când cântecul în versul meu a explodat
Sub barba nepieptănată a turbat tăcerea
Sub firele nepieptânate a ars tăcerea
Iar eu am tăcut
Până când s-a ucis...
TENTAŢIE
(Tundimi)
*
Capul turmentat mi se clatină din timp în timp,
Oo Dumnezeule ce greu mi-e să mă ţin drept
vântul tăcerii mă clatină ca pe o foaie de hârtie
Lumea râde, râde,
Oh ce zgomotos râde lumea,
Mie nu-mi pasă de capul meu
Mă leagăn în tentaţia mea
Îngerul meu
Acolo unde alunecă pământul sub picioare,
posibilitatea de a ţine şira spinări drept
este mai mică decât un zero mare
Alunecă şi alunecă acolo unde vor, şi nu vor,
timpul meu clătinat pentru aer curat,
setos, capul meu,
pentru mireasma pământului fără pulbere...
**
Tentaţia ţine pradă capul meu
vijelia izbeşte pe cer şi pământ
Pentru cuvântul dulce ca sânul mamei
Pentru literele numelui meu pe care le a-nghiţit Lacul din Shkodra
Viermi purulenţi, hrăniţi cu bucate vomitate cu alcool
Pe poala Cetăţii din Rozafat s-a crucificat, o femeie şi douăsprezece bărbaţi
Treizeci şi trei sticle golite, şi treizeci şi trei umplute le ciocnesc dintr-o dată
Ce bine e să nu citeşti poezie -
această înseamnă, simplu, să nu ucizi capul pentru nimic,
Doar poeţii, singuratici te vor, te iubesc şi te iubesc neîncetat,
Să apuci soarele în palmă, şi să îmbrăţişezi marea la sân
Numai poeţii ştiu să numere tăcerile tale dureroase
glorioase, Shkodra noastră,
Sărutările însângerate din Kosova,
Dardania Antică, din vârful de la Stublla crucificată
Într-un nume comun:
Sânge pentru onoare şi Glorie
***
Cum se înveţi să scrii viitorul cu glia
ce a alunecat şi alunecă sub picioarele noastre,
fuge fricos, când clipeşti din ochii
Unde să fur o picătură de apă s-o multiplic precum Christos,
să multiplic în mare
Să se cureţe pulberea în istorie
Pielea şarpelui blesmeat,
Târât pe pământul de care se prinde respiraţia de pulbere şi păianjeni
dar cum să-l ardă fără foc şi fără fum...
În româneşte de Baki Ymeri
Ndue (Tomë) Ukaj s-a născut în 1977, la Stublla de Sus, comuna Vitia (Kosova). A absolvit studiile de limbă şi literatură albaneză la Universitatea din Prishtina, Facultatea de Filologie, unde a urmat şi studiile de magistratură « Discursul în literatura lui Gjergj Fishta », avându-l pe mentor pe Prof. Dr. Sabri Hamiti. Actualmente trăieşte în Suedia, unde a urmat câteva cursuri ale limbii şi culturii suedeze. În decursul studiilor a fost activist al Uniunii Indipendente a Studenţilor Facultăţii de Filozofie, membru a redacţiei revistei "Fryma" (Duhul), în care a publicat texte literare. A fost editor al revistei pentru artă, cultură şi societate "Identiteti" (Identitatea, 2001-2002), din Prishtina. Eeste cunoscut şi pentru activitate politică, ca unul din conducătorii Partidului Albanez Democristian din Kosova (Partia Shqiptare Demokristiane e Kosovës), dar şi pentru alte activităţi instituţionale din Kosova. Textele sale literare, eseistice, publicistice, au fost publicate în Albania, Kosova, Munte Negru, Macedonia şi diasporă. În 2004 a publicat cartea "Discursul biblic în literatura albaneză" ("Diskursi biblik në letërsinë shqipe", AIKD, Prishtina). Este coautor al monografiei "Stublla", cuprins şi în unele antologii ale poeziei albaneze. Ndue Ukaj scrie poezii, proză, eseistică, teorie, critică şi studii literare, fiind cunoscut şi în calitate de publicist.Ndue Ukaj: Thaci's Visit, Triumph of Identity Over Distinctions
Ndue Ukaj: Thaci's Visit, Triumph of Identity Over Distinctions
Albanian, Kosovo leaders send "message of national identity"
BBC Monitoring Europe (Political) - June 24, 2008, Tuesday
Text of report by Albanian major right-wing pro-PD party newspaper 55Pesedhjetepese, on 21 June
[Commentary by Ndue Ukaj: "Thaci's Visit, Triumph of Identity Over Distinctions"]
Kosova [Kosovo] Prime Minister Thaci's visit to Albania, apart from its political message, also conveyed a message to the effect that, having to cope with a new political situation under the same national umbrella, Kosova and Albania are cooperating and coordinating their economic and political potentials for the common good, while at the same time stressing their national Albanian essence.
In other words, in Kosova's new situation, Thaci's visit strengthens interstate relations between Albania and Kosova while giving an appropriate answer to the allegations about a supposed Kosovar identity and, at the same time, stressing that Albanians, wherever they happen to be, are all part of the Albanian nation.
Among other things, Thaci's visit stressed the national Albanian identity of the people of both Kosova and Albania, thereby refuting the allegations of those who, availing themselves of the creation of the state of Kosova, try to push through their theses about a so-called Kosovar nation.
The two prime ministers - Berisha and Thaci - declared a common national platform, for they know but too well that, disunited, the Albanians would be powerless. Theirs was a message of national identity over regional distinctions. They also came out with joint projects of national importance.
Relations between Albania and Kosova have frequently suffered from divisive efforts from certain quarters bent on impeding cooperation and coordination of actions between the two parts of the one nation. These efforts have come up against the policy carried out by both Tirana and Prishtina [Pristina], a policy that has the support of the whole of the Albanian nation.
Not infrequently we hear people in Kosova saying that the Kosovars must create their national identity, making a clear distinction between the Albanians on this and that side of the border.
Disregarding global developments and also the prospects of Balkan and European integration, these theses are fraught with dangerous consequences for the Albanian nation. They are based on naive conceptions that must be fought with determination and wisdom.
The Albanian press, especially that of Kosova, carries articles to the effect that nationalism is both obsolete and primitive. This is ridiculous, for the opposite is true. It is nationalism that makes Western countries so powerful. It is nationalism that motivates the Italians and French to struggle for major achievements in the field of culture, sports, and design, that makes Germany into an economic superpower, or that makes the British or the Americans police the world order.
The absence of a nationalist sentiment has often made us imitate our enemies, even identify ourselves with them.
The moment has come for us Albanians to hold our head high and show the world that we are a people of an ancient civilization, striving to overcome the consequences of a bitter past. Our future depends on what we do now.
Only united and by preserving our Western tradition will we be able to become dignified members of the community of civilized nations.
Kosovo's freedom a good thing for all parties
Kosovo's freedom a good thing for all parties
By Ndue Ukaj
For about ten years ago, I began studying at the University of Prishtina. . It was forbidden for us, Albanian students, studying in our mother tongue and that is why we had not possible to study in universitetslokaler, as they were available only for Serbian students and had been occupied by the Serbian regime. Several generations were instead forced to study in improvised premises, which really was no cellar. It was awful. Verkligen hemskt. Really awful. Right now, I can not understand how we could cope with the situation.
But this is only one side of the story for the other side was very tragic. We could not even hold a lecture in the basement of our "freedom" to the Serb police frequently blocked our lectures. U For some years I did not even how to feel freedom, because I could find freedom only in poetry and literature. I and my friends who studied literature did not dare to tell the police (when they stopped us on the streets) that we were students and certainly not that we studied literature and Albanian languages. Because if we had been told that they had struck us. It was forbidden for us to read the West-literature, in fact, everything was forbidden for us Many young people experienced similar events several times. I told this experience to explain only a small part, for what the Serbian regime did for many years against the Albanian people in Kosova.
Ten years after the war Kosova is on track to complete the long process to become an independent country. And in that process is going on right now, there are a few countries in the European Union (Cyprus, Romania), along with Russia that would not accept Kosovo as an independent country. It is completely utopian to imagine today that Kosovo can live together with Serbia, a country that gave us the only violence. And still, they have not changed. Today there are about 2,000 people that the Serb army has killed and no one has taken any responsibility to find the bodies were buried somewhere in Serbia. They have massacred and transported to Serbia, including children and old people. It is appalling for their families who still do not know where these bodies are buried. During this war, the Serbian regime killed about 15,000 Albanians.
Our relationship with Serbia for nearly a hundred years, from the days when they opened the occupation of Kosova has always been with violence and war. Serbia has sought to block the school, culture, the Albanian language, all development and today there are approximately one million Albanians who have been forced in one way or another to emigrate.
I and my generation who have experienced the difficult situation when we studied, had tried to make a peaceful resistance without war and violence, that is non-violence. We demonstrated almost every day for several months for human rights and against the war. There are many theories as saying that during the ten years (1990-1999), during the systematic violence, Kosovo Albanians had their influence from Mother Teresa was an Albanian nun and known throughout the world for peace. It was unusual then in Yugoslavia to create a peaceful policy and led the Kosovar Albanians leader Ibrahim Rugova, who was the author. MeBut nothing could stop the Serbian passion for power and control over the Balkans. After June 13, 1999, when NATO entered Kosova I experienced what freedom, peace, democracy and perspective.
Right now struggling Kosova for a future without violence, a future integrated in Europe and NATO and cooperation with all countries in the Balkans, including Serbia. Kosova and the Albanian people are aware of the path they have chosen and regardless of the difficult process of Kosova is ready to fight.
Now it is finally time for stability and peace and to help in that respect, the Kosova and the Balkan region support from the EU and the United States. B Balkan region had much instability earlier so this is a way to come to a peaceful region. Now is the time for positive change and the change must be reflected in the Balkans may be its place integrated in the EU. Last week, ended the direct talks between Kosovo and Serbia ended without any result was reached. It has been noted by a troika from the U.S., EU and Russia, which has tried to get a compromise between the two parties. Following these developments, the EU and the United States prepared to recognise Kosovas independence. Kosovo is sui generis cases throughout the world, it is a special case. To understand the real situation in Ballkan, with a large focus on Kosovo, which today is a major issue in the international political relationship, you have to be quite a lot about this issue in its historical context. From this point of view, it will be easier to understand what is happening today in Kosova and Ballkan.
The historical dimension is the key to understanding what is known as Kosovafrågan, the process that is now coming to an end. So what happened in the past and is happening now in Kosovo has its basis in history, the history of Serbian Academy together with the political institution has been manipulated for nationalist interests which has resulted in four wars. The perception on the true story is the best way to eliminate missförståendet and the prejudices that may affect in the major negotiations today. The area is based on a mythology that has affected all developments, even the political, and the syndrome still live in Serbia.
In fact, there is no reason to hesitate in the EU on Kosovas future status. s However, the EU needs and Sweden decide as soon as possible of an agreement on Kosova: to accept autonomy and help the process so that it leads to all Balkan countries integrate into the EU. It is important to create peace in the Balkans and it is the best way to end a long period of violence and crisis.
It seems to be no chance for peace in the Balkans without Kosovo becomes an independent country. It is not only a desire but for the Albanian people, it means above all else, in fact, it means peace, democracy, perspective, it means to live. This fact know anyone who has enough information on Kosova, it is known in Serbia, the country that has created so much problems in the Balkans throughout the 90s and who still want to rule Kosovo. It is a utopian policy because Kosova since 1999 are living outside Serbia. Serbia should reduce nationalism and instead seek a reasonable policy for a future without crises. By Kosovas independence of Serbia also relieved, therefore, Sweden should be one of the first countries to recognize independence.
Kosova bör bli självständigt
2008-01-10
"Kosova bör bli självständigt"
Sverige och EU måste erkänna Kosova. Annars blir det inte fred på Balkan, skriver Ndue Ukaj i sin debattartikel.
Debatt
Kosovo
För cirka tio år sedan började jag studera vid Pristinas universitet. Det var förbjudet för oss albanska studenter att studera på vårt modersmål. Därför kunde vi inte studera i universitetets lokaler. Vi var tvungna att studera i en källare. Det var hemskt. Jag förstår inte hur vi klarade det.
Dessutom kunde vi inte ha föreläsningar i källaren, eftersom polisen brukade stoppa folk som skulle gå till våra föreläsningar.
Jag visste inte hur det känns att vara fri. Jag hade bara upplevt frihet i poesin och litteraturen. Mina vänner och jag studerade litteraturvetenskap. Men när polisen stoppade oss på gatan, kunde vi inte berätta att vi var studenter. Vi kunde absolut inte berätta att vi studerade det albanska språket och litteratur. Då skulle polisen ha slagit oss.
Jag berättar om det här för att förklara något om vad den serbiska regimen gjorde mot det albanska folket i Kosova.
Tio år efter kriget är Kosova på väg att bli ett självständigt land. Men ett par länder i Europa - Cypern, Rumänien, Ryssland - vill inte acceptera Kosova som självständigt land.
Kosova kan i dag inte leva fredligt tillsammans med Serbien, ett land som bara har gett oss våld. De har inte förändrat sig. Den serbiska militären har dödat cirka 2 000 personer och grävt ner deras kroppar någonstans i Serbien. De tar inget ansvar för att hitta kropparna. Det är förfärligt för deras familjer, som inte vet var de döda är begravda.
Under kriget dödade den serbiska regimen cirka 15 000 albaner. I hundra år har nästan alla våra kontakter med Serbien varit våld och krig. Serbien har försökt stoppa de albanska skolorna, kulturen, språket och all utveckling. I dag finns cirka en miljon albaner som har blivit tvungna att lämna landet.
Jag och andra i min generation har försökt göra fredligt motstånd. Nästan varje dag, i flera månader, demonstrerade vi för mänskliga rättigheter och mot kriget. Många anser att moder Teresa var mycket viktig för kosovaalbanerna under 1990-talet. Moder Teresa var en albansk nunna, som var känd i hela världen för sitt arbete för fred. Kosovaalbanernas ledare, författaren Ibrahim Rugova, arbetade för en fredlig politik. Men ingenting kunde stoppa Serbiens hunger efter makt och kontroll över Balkan.
Just nu kämpar Kosova för en framtid utan våld, en framtid där Kosova är med i EU och Nato, och samarbetar med alla länder i Balkan, även Serbien. Det kommer att bli svårt, men Kosova och det albanska folket är beredda på det.
Nu är det äntligen dags för fred och stabilitet. Kosova och Balkan får mycket stöd från EU och USA. Men samtalen mellan Kosova och Serbien har inte gett mycket resultat. EU och USA är nu beredda att erkänna Kosova som en självständig stat.
För att förstå vad som händer i Balkan och Kosova måste man veta mycket om historien. Den serbiska Akademin och politikerna piskade upp nationalismen på Balkan, och resultatet blev fyra krig.
EU och Sverige måste snabbt erkänna Kosova och se till att alla länder på Balkan blir medlemmar i EU. Det blir inte fred på Balkan innan Kosova blir ett självständigt land. Det betyder allt för det albanska folket - fred, demokrati, perspektiv, liv.
Det vet alla som vet tillräckligt mycket om Kosova. Det vet också Serbien, som fortfarande vill styra Kosova. Serbien bör bli mindre nationalistiskt och skapa en rimlig politik för en framtid utan kriser.
Genom Kosovas självständighet blir även Serbien fritt. Därför bör Sverige vara ett av de första länderna som erkänner Kosovas självständighet.
www.sesam.nu
Lätt svenska: Malin Bergendal
Ndue Ukaj, albansk författare och litteraturkritiker
Irrational politics: Closing the gates of peace by Ndue Ukaj
"Irrational politics: Closing the gates of peace"
by Ndue Ukaj
1. Octavio Paz, a Mexican winner of the Nobel Prize for literature, in his essay "History as Dialogue," which was actually his Nobel acceptance speech, writes that "democracy is a dialogue, and dialogue opens the gates of peace." By having a true dialogue on certain problems, governments and peoples can reach the "dream of universal peace," this author said.
We mentioned the speech by this Nobel Prize winner in order to put into context the Serbian-Albanian relations, which, based on the nationalistic rhetoric during the Serbian prime minister's visit to Kosova [Kosovo], are headed in a direction that is not desired due to the fact that the unwanted visitor used a private visit to once again stoke feelings of hatred among the Serbs. This was done through most the sophisticated pan-Serbian methods, which view Kosova as the Serb Jerusalem.
In fact, with this visit, the so-called Serbian democratic government in essence resembles the previous governments, not only because it is closing the gates of peace and dialogue, but, consciously or not, it is becoming a promoter of violence and instability by openly maintaining the position of protector of concepts of war, not those of peace. It seems that this was the intention of Kostunica's visit to Kosova on a date that in itself bears terrible memories for the entire region, as well as for the Serbian people. This date became a shield for mad military philosophical politics during the last decade of the 20th century.
2. In view of the latest developments in the region and beyond, Kostunica's visit could be understood as a well known irrational Serbian philosophy to again transmit to the world their deceptive tendencies by camouflaging and abusing reality, whether that reality is historical or current. This visit, besides having propaganda aspects for internal consumption, is additional proof that the Serbian state is not interested in promoting peace, bringing peace to life, developing healthy relations, or setting aside the painful past. Instead, it is interested in "producing" crisis in the name of crazy myths and in the name of phantom nationalisms, which could produce a dark future mostly for the Serbs themselves, since the Albanians are now determined to have dialogue, democracy, and integration.
3. Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's visit to Kosova, which occurred precisely on a date that has left "ill-traces" for the entire history of the region, the consequences of which are yet to be repaired, will enter the political memory as a black stain among the many stains that have entered history - Serbian politics with eyes closed.
The appearance at the Gracanica Monastery, with a controlled nationalist discourse and by continuing the tune of manipulation, lies, and nationalistic trumpeting that was started by the dictator Slobodan Milosevic, occurred precisely at a time when Serbia is going through a difficult moment after the powerful signals from the US and Great Britain to accept the legitimate requests of the people of Kosova. It seems that this is a final tendency on a list of tendencies of Serbian politics to manipulate their own people. And now they are counting the last days of the demagogical rhetoric of deception and manipulation with the Serbs from Kosova and Serbia itself.
4. This visit, among other things, signifies the truth that still cramps Serbian politics. The opinions and tunes that feed patriotism and entangle religion and politics - as old and outdated propaganda that Serbia has used and is attempting to use against the Albanians, propaganda that went out of fashion a long time ago and that has reached banality in Western circles - this time was used poorly by a government that is challenged daily by international isolation.
This demagogy, which is supported by nationalist rhetoric, is interconnected with the Battle for Kosova. This battle, in relation to which evidence, historic writings, and arguments have been presented that all Christian forces participated in it, including Albanian ones, in an attempt to overthrow the Turk-Ottoman occupation, is once again attempting to become paradigm for gaining sympathy among the western World.
The constant tendency of Serbian intellectual, political, and religious circles to present this battle according to appetites and by adapting it for nationalistic-occupational interests suffered severe consequences in the past.
On the contrary, if Serbia is attempting to transmit its past to the Western world through this philosophy, as the defender of Christianity, it is a philosophy that does not ring bells in any country, since the truth is now known, which is that in essence the Albanians were the ones who protected Western culture and values, more than any other people in the region.
5. A rational mind cannot understand this tune of Serbian politics, despite what followed - isolation from the world. It seems the Serbian cul-de-sac has no end. The Albanians must take an example from a dishonest philosophy in order to proceed with dignity toward a bright future by developing democracy, peace, and prosperity in the scope of Western integration.
Instead of leading politics of messages and instructions for the Kosova Serbs, Kostunica should bring messages of peace, cohabitation, and getting closer to one another - even asking for an apology for the past. He should not transmit ill-intentioned messages of division and hatred. During an era general integrating processes, this is nonsense and an unprecedented philosophy.
July 05, 2006
Source:BBC Monitoring / Fakti, Skopje
